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By Marcus Benjamin,
Fellow of the Chemical Society of London

American meteorology began with the Reverend John Campanius, a Swedish barometer clergyman who settled near the present site of Wilmington, Delaware, in 1643. Campanius, the "first meteorological observer on the western continent," kept an account of the weather, day by day, during the years 1644--`45.1 [1 Henry, Alfred J., "Early Individual Observers in the United States." See page 293 of Part 2, "Bulletin, No. II, of the Weather Bureau," being a "Report of the International Meteorological Congress held in Chicago, Illinois, August 21-24, 1893." Washington, 1895.]

The systematic gathering of meteorological information was continued by individuals at different places. Among the observers worthy of special mention were: Doctor John Lining, who, from 1738 till 1750, noted the climatic conditions in Charleston, South Carolina, and was the first to make a series of instrumental observations in the United States;2 [2 Ibidem, page 295] John Winthrop, of Harvard College, who in 1742 began to collect such data, and continued the practice for more than twenty years;3 [3 Ibidem, page 296] and John Bartram, the botanist, who made observations in his famous gardens in the Schuylkill in 1748, and again in 1758--`59 and in 1761--`77. His manuscript is preserved by the American Philosophical Society in Philadelphia.1 [1 Henry, Alfred J., "Early Individual Observers in the United States." Page 297.] Of conspicuous interest are the series of observations made by Thomas Jefferson in Monticello in 1772-`78, and toward the close of this period he instituted, with James Madison, a series of simultaneous observations in Monticello and at William and Mary College, Williamsburg, Virginia. These, it is believed, were the first simultaneous observations made in this country.2 [2 Harrington, Mark W., "History of the Weather Map," page 327, "Bulletin No. II, of the Weather Bureau." Washington, 1895.]

In 1814 the Army Medical Department issued a rule, making it the duty of each hospital surgeon and director of a department "to keep a diary of the weather."3 [3 Smart, Charles, "The Connection of the Army Medical Department with the Department of Meteorology in the United States." Page 208, "Bulletin No. II of the Weather Bureau." Washington, 1895.] The collection of these observations was fostered by Surgeon-General Joseph Lowell, and a systematic gathering of reports of temperature, pressure, and moisture of the air, the amount of rain, direction and force of wind, appearance of the sky, and other phenomena ensued, resulting in the publication of three volumes of "Meteorological Registers," the last of which, issued in 1851, covered the period from 1831 to 1842. The active operations of this service continued until the beginning of the Civil War.

Contemporary with the foregoing was the collection of meteorological data begun in 1817 by Josiah Meigs, then Commissioner of the General Land Office. He issued blank forms of a meteorological register to the officials of the various local land offices scattered through the States. This service became, in time, the parent of the observations made under the direction of the Patent Office, and continued until 1859.4 [4 Goode, G. Brown, "The Origin of the National Scientific and Educational Institutions of the United States." Report of the American Historical Society, 1889, page 138.]

During the decade in which the Smithsonian Institution came into formal existence three distinguished American meteorologists - perhaps the three most distinguished that this country has ever known - were actively studying the phenomena of storms. These men were Redfield, Espy, and Loomis. It was Redfield who advanced the circular theory of storms, and it was Espy who accounted for their existence by convectional indrafts, while the patient Loomis gathered the essential truths from both and formulated them in his "Contributions to Meteorology," which he later gave to the world through the medium of the "American Journal of Science." Redfield was occupied with many interests, and Loomis was professor of mathematics in the University of the City of New York. Espy, on the other hand, was a professional meteorologist, and of the three he concerns us the most.

The publication of his papers had gained for Espy a high reputation, extending across the ocean, and in 1840 he was invited to explain his theory of storms before the British Association. From England he crossed to the Continent, and in Paris he spoke so acceptably before the French Academy of Sciences that the great Arago exclaimed: "England has its Newton, France its Cuvier, and America its Espy."1 [1 "A Few Incidents in the Life of Professor James P. Espy," by his niece, Mrs. L. M. Morehead. Cincinnati, 1888. Page 17.]

On his return to the United States he settled in Washington, and from 1840 till within a few years of his death he was continuously engaged by the government in meteorological work.2 [2 "The records of the War Department show that James P. Espy was appointed clerk August 26, 1842, and resigned June 30, 1847." He was employed to perform meteorological work ,and was appointed by the Secretary of War under act of Congress, August 23, 1842. The records of the Navy Department show that he was appointed Professor of Mathematics in the United States Navy on May 7, 1842, which place he held until July 5, 1845. He also served the Navy Department as Meteorologist from August 10, 1848, until the close of the year 1857.] In 1841 he published his "Philosophy of Storms," and he was familiarly know as the "Storm King." According to the memoirs of John Quincy Adams, a letter from Espy was received in 1842 by the Committee on the Smithsonian Bequest, in which he proposed that "a portion of the fund should be appropriated for simultaneous meteorological observations all over the Union, with him for central national meteorologist, stationed at Washington, with a comfortable salary."1 [1 "The Smithsonian Institution: Document Relative to Its Origin and History." Edited by William J. Rhees. Page 784. Washington, 1879.]

In December, 1846, Henry was elected Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, and, already familiar wit the meteorological work done at the Albany Academy2 [2 "A local system of meteorological observations was established in the State of New York, in 1825, and has been uninterruptedly continued from that time until the present. Each of the academies, which participated in the literature fund of the State, was furnished with a thermometer and rain gauge, and directed to make three daily observations relative to the temperature, the direction of the wind cloudiness," etc. Joseph Henry in his paper, "Meteorology in its Connection with Agriculture," in "Agricultural Report for 1855," page 369. Among the academies where meteorological observations were taken was the Albany Academy. See also page 212, "memorial of Joseph Henry."] during his administration there, he was quick to urge in his "programme of organization" "A system of extended meteorological observations for solving the problem of American storms."

In a letter to Jared Eliot, dated Philadelphia, July 16, 1747, Franklin, our first great scientist, expressed the opinion, not original with him, however,3 [3 Abbe, Cleveland, "Historical Notes on the Systems of Weather Telegraphy, and Especially Their Development in the United States." American Journal of Science, volume II, page 82, August, 1871. In a footnote Abbe says, "Earlier than Franklin must have been Lewis Evans, who, according to Hon. T. Pownall, M.P., published in 1749 in Philadelphia, the brief statement of this general law." See also Lorin Blodget's "Climatology of the United States," page 379, Philadelphia, 1857.] that "the course of the storm is from southwest to northeast." The work of subsequent meteorologists had all tended to show that storms did progress in accordance with definite laws, and that most storms began in the west and traveled toward the east. Henry was not satisfied with simply urging this matter upon the authorities, for he returns to it in his first report and says: "Of late years, in our country, more additions have been made to meteorology than to any other branch of physical science."1 [1 "Smithsonian Report," 1846, page 25.] Then he unfolds his plan: "It is proposed to organize a system of observations which shall extend as far as possible over the North American continent."2 [2 Ibidem.]

In the accomplishment of this purpose he wisely calls to his assistance "the most experienced American meteorologists,"3 [3 Langley, S. P., "The Meteorological Work of the Smithsonian Institution." Page 217, "Bulletin No. 11 of the Weather Bureau."] Espy and Loomis, both of whom prepared reports on the subject, which are given as appendices two and three to the first annual Report. The first, by Loomis, is a masterly summary of all the knowledge then possessed on the subject. He showed what advantages might be expected from the study of storms, what had been already done in this country toward making the necessary observations, and finally, what encouragement there was to a further prosecution of the same researches. He then presented in detail a plan for unifying the work done by existing observers, and for supplementing it by that of new observers at needed points, for a systematic supervision, and, finally for a thorough discussion of the observations collected.4 [4 "Smithsonian Report," 1846, page 28.]

The communication from Espy is a shorter one, but it is of much value and specially pertinent in that it refers to his "circular to the friends of science" sent out from the Surgeon-General's office before 1843, in which he urged the keeping of meteorological journals upon voluntary observers, and requested cooperation in his efforts to develop the phases of storms. It was also in this letter that he announced his "intention to lay down on skeleton maps of the United States, by appropriate symbols, all the most important phases of great storms which might come within the range of our simultaneous observations; and thus it was hoped that we should be able to determine the shape and size of all storms; whether they are round or oblong; and if oblong whether they move, sideforemost or endforemost, or obliquely; and to ascertain their velocity and direction in all the different seasons of the year; the course of the wind in and beyond the borders of the storm; the fluctuation of the barometer and change of temperature which generally accompany storms, and the extent to which their influence is felt beyond their borders."1 [1 "Smithsonian Report," 1846, page 47. See also "Memoir of Elias Loomis," by Hubert A. Newton, contained in `Smithsonian Report," for 1890, page 754, where Professor Newton calls attention to the weather maps made by Loomis in the year 1842, and points out the great similarity between the maps now in use by the Weather Bureau and those invented by Loomis. He says: "The greatest inventions are oft-times the simplest, and I am inclined to believe that the introduction of this simple method of representing and discussing the phenomena of a storm was the greatest of the services which our colleague rendered to science."]

Henry's request, sustained by the weighty opinions of such eminent authorities, easily convinced the Board of Regents of the value of the proposition, and on December 15, 1847, that body appropriated "for instruments and other expenses connected with meteorological observations, one thousand dollars."2 [2 Rhees, William J., "The Smithsonian Institution: Journals of the Board of Regents, Reports of Committees, Statistics, etc.," page 43, Washington, 1879.] Such was the beginning of the meteorological work of the Smithsonian Institution.

With this very small appropriation it was impossible to put into active operation the plan proposed by Loomis if indeed, such was ever the intention of Henry, and the money was properly diverted to the purchase of instruments. Without accurate appliances for the determination of observations, no true results are possible in science, and no one knew this fact better than Henry. It was the policy of the Institution then as now to seek aid "from every quarter whence it may be obtained,"3 [3 "Smithsonian Report," 1849, page 14.] and the cooperation of the meteorological services then in existence was the evident ambition of Henry. In August, 1848, Espy was appointed Meteorologist in the Navy Department, and in that year an appropriation was made by Congress for meteorology under the direction of the Secretary of the Navy. According to the Smithsonian Report for 1848, "in order that the observations thus established may not interfere with those undertaken by the Smithsonian Institution, that officer [the Secretary of the Navy] has directed Professor Espy to cooperate with the Secretary of the Institution."1 [1 "Smithsonian Report, 1847, page 15.]

The plan had now reached that stage of development when it could be definitely formulated, and Henry continues: "It is contemplated to establish three classes of observers among those who are disposed to join in this enterprise. One class, without instruments, to observe the face of the sky as to its clearness, the extent of cloud, the direction and force of wind, the beginning and ending of rain, snow, etc. A second class, furnished with thermometers, who besides making the observations above mentioned, will record variations of temperature. The third class, furnished with full sets of instruments, to observe all the elements at present deemed important in the science of meteorology. It is believed that much valuable information may be obtained in this way with reference to the extent, duration, and passage of storms over the country, though the observer may be possessed of no other apparatus than a simple wind-vane. With the instruments owned by private individuals, with those at the several military stations, and with the supply of the deficiency by the funds of the Smithsonian Institution, it is believed that observations can be instituted at important points over the whole United States, and that with the observations which we can procure from Mexico and the British possessions of North America, data will be furnished for important additions to our knowledge of meteorological phenomena."2 [2 Ibidem.]

For the accomplishment of this plan there was required, first of all, a corps of meteorological observers, and a circular signed by Henry and Espy, requesting the cooperation of those interested in the subject was issued on November 1, 1848. This document was distributed by members of Congress1 [1 "Smithsonian Report," 1851, page 68.] during the winter of 1848-`49, to such of their constituents as were judged to be favorable to the undertaking, including a list of all persons who, as far as they were known, had hitherto been accustomed to make meteorological observations in North America. These names were furnished by Professor James H. Coffin, of Lafayette College.2 [2 Ibidem, 1847, page 15] Cooperation was also solicited from the existing systems under the direction of the Surgeon-General and of those in the States of New York and Pennsylvania.3 [3 A system of State observation was established in Pennsylvania in 1837, by the appropriation of the sum of $4,000 by the State legislature. See Agricultural Report for 1855, page 370.]

A large number of communications were received in reply to this circular, and in February, 1849, the necessary answers were prepared and sent out with blank forms for the register of the weather. The number of persons who volunteered their assistance at that time, or from whom cooperation might be expected, was 412, of which 143 were correspondents of Professor Espy, and had been previously engaged in collecting observations under the direction of the Navy Department.4 [4 "Smithsonian Report," 1851, page 68.] At once the service came into active operation, and as a result Henry was able to report tin 1849 that already "from localities widely separated from each other, and distributed over the greater portion of the United States, about one hundred fifty monthly returns are now regularly received,"5 [5 Ibidem, 1848, page 12.] and "it will be seen we are in a fair way of establishing a general system of meteorology, extending over a great portion of North America, including many stations furnished with compared instruments referred to the same standard."6 [6 Ibidem, 1848, page 15.]

In 1848 Arnold Guyot came to the United States, and at the meeting of the American Association held in Philadelphia in that year he met Henry, who at once consulted him in regard to the development of the collection of meteorological observations. Guyot was charged with the selecting and ordering of the improved instruments that were required.1 [1 Dana, James, D., "Memoir of Arnold Guyot," Biographical Memoirs, National Academy of Sciences, Volume 11, page 338.] He rejected the old barometers in favor of the cistern barometer of Fortin as improved by Ernst, and further improved in accordance with his own suggestion as regards safety of transportation, resulting in the instrument made by James Green, of New York and know as the "Smithsonian barometer." Each instrument made according to this pattern was numbered and accurately compared with a standard.2 [2 "Smithsonian Report," 1850, page 17.] The set of instruments sent out consisted of a barometer, thermometer, hydrometer, wind-vane, and snow and rain gauge.3 [3 Ibidem.] In the Smithsonian Report for 1850, from which so much has been quoted, Henry says: "The most important service the Smithsonian Institution has rendered to meteorology during the past year, has been the general introduction into the country of a more accurate set of instruments at a reasonable price."4 [4 Ibidem.] The distribution of these sets of standard instruments accomplished much in the way of disseminating a greater knowledge of meteorology, for there were many persons who were glad to purchase them for their private use, but who were unwilling to bind themselves to the strict compliance required by the rules of the service. The result was the establishment of numerous small meteorological observatories scattered throughout the country that became local centers of scientific observation and contributed toward the development of the science.

Guyot was further intrusted with the preparation of a pamphlet of "Directions for Meteorological Observations,"1 [1 Dana, James D., "Memoir of Arnold Guyot," Biographical Memoirs, National Academy of Sciences, Volume II, page 338.] which was issued in 1850, and he was also invited to compile "A Collection of Meteorological Tables," which was issued in 1852. The latter, consisting, when first published, of only 212 pages, passed through four editions 2 [2 The second edition was issued in 1859. Concerning this volume Guyot wrote to Henry in 1858 "that two-fifths of the pages of tables, representing 68,000 computed results, were wholly new and were prepared for the volumes." Also, "It is essentially a work of patience, in doing which the idea of saving much labor to others and facilitating scientific research is the only encouraging element." Dana's Memoir, page 338.] under Professor Guyot, the last of which, appearing in 1884, contained 748 pages. Although designed primarily for the meteorological observers reporting to the Smithsonian Institution, the tables obtained a much wider circulation and were extensively used by a large number of meteorologists and physicists in Europe and the United States.

In 1847 Henry had recognized the value of the application of the electric telegraph3 [3 In the American Journal of Science for September, 1846 ( page 334 ), W.C. Redfield says: "In the Atlantic ports of the United States, the approach of a gale when the storms is yet on the Gulf of Mexico, or in the Southern of Western States, may be made known by means of the electric telegraph, which, will probably soon extend from Maine to the Mississippi." This is the first known published suggestion of the use of telegraphy for the transmission of meteorological information, and is doubtless the source from which Loomis obtained his idea, which, in turn, was passed on to Henry. ] as "a ready means of warning the more northern and eastern observers to be on the watch for the first appearance of an advancing storm";4 [4 "Smithsonian Report," 1846, page 25. ] and a year later he wrote, "As a part of the system of meteorology, it is proposed to employ, as far as our funds will permit, the magnetic telegraph in the investigation of atmospheric phenomena," and then, 5 [5 Ibidem, 1848, page 15. ] "The advantage to agriculture and commerce to be derived from a knowledge of the approach of a storm, by means of the telegraph, has been frequently referred to of late in the public journals." 6 [6 Ibidem, 1848, page 16. ] Realizing that the time for action had arrived, Henry, in 1849, personally requested the presidents of a number of telegraph companies to allow the Smithsonian Institution "at a certain period of the day, the use of their wires for the transmission of meteorological intelligence."1 [1 "Smithsonian Report," 1849, page 15. ]

This request was favorably considered and thereafter, until the beginning of the Civil War, the system of daily telegraphic weather reports thus inaugurated was continued. Such was the beginning of the telegraphic weather service, and by means of these reports predictions of coming storms, with all the recognized advantages to the country at large, were made possible.2 [2 I am not unmindful of the fact ( for which I am indebted to Professor Abbe )that in March, 1848, the American Journal of Science, page 297, contains the following item:

    "Telegraphic Reports of Meteorological Phenomena.
"Messrs. Hones & Co., Merchants' Exchange, New York, have made arrangements to give daily and hourly reports of meteorological phenomena by telegraphic messages from all parts of the country which are in telegraphic communication with New York. This novel and important enterprise will furnish more extensive means of synchronous comparison of the state of the barometer, direction of the wind, and generally of all meteorological phenomena, than were ever before possessed by the scientific world. It is hoped the colleges, scientific institutions, and individuals favorably situated will combine their efforts to give efficiency to this scheme, which if properly encouraged by proper hands, cannot fail of interesting results." With this brief notice the serve mentioned seems to have passed away - perhaps even before it came into existence, for no traces of it are to be found, even after a most careful search. - M.B. ] It is of this service that Cleveland Abbe has so well said: "However frequently the idea may have been suggested of utilizing our knowledge by the employment of the electric telegraph, it is to Professor Henry and his assistants in the Smithsonian Institutions that the credit is due of having first actually realized this suggestion."3 [3 American Journal of Science, Volume II, page 83, August, 1871. ]

The next step was an important one, and in the annual Report for 1850 Henry wrote: "For the better comprehension of the relative position of the several places of observation, now embraced in our system of meteorology, an outline map of North America has been constructed, by Professor Foreman. This map is intended also to be used for presenting the successive phases of the sky over the whole country, at different points of time, as far as reported to us, and we have been waiting for its completion to commence a series of investigations, with the materials now on hand, relative to the progress of storms."1 [1 "Smithsonian Report," 1850, page 19. ]

The value of this map soon became apparent, and it is not too much to say that the ambition of Espy "to lay down on skeleton maps of the United States, by appropriate symbols, all the most important phases of great storms"2 [2 Page 651, this volume. ] became an actuality under the administration of the Smithsonian Institution. As the data from various sources were received, the meteorological conditions were indicated on the map; and a current weather map was the final culmination of the idea.

It is thus described by Henry himself: "The first practical application which was attempted of the principle we have mentioned was made by this Institution in 1856; the information conveyed by telegraphic despatches in regard to the weather was daily exhibited by means of differently-colored tokens, on a map of the United States, so as to show at one view the meteorological condition of the atmosphere over the whole country. At the same time publications of telegraphic despatches was made in the newspapers."3 [3 "Scientific Writings of Joseph Henry," Volume II, page 453, being an extract from the "Smithsonian Report" for 1865, page 56. ] This map was hung where the public could have general access to it to observe the changes, and its indications where first published at large by signals displayed from the high tower of the Institution.4 [4Langley, S.P., "The Meteorological Work of the Smithsonian Institution," page 219, "Bulletin No. 11 of the Weather Bureau," being a "Report of the International Meteorological Congress," held in 1893. ]

The annual Report for 1858 describes it somewhat in detail. It says: "An object of much interest at the Smithsonian building is a daily exhibition on a large map of the condition of the weather over a considerable portion of the United States. The reports are received about ten o'clock in the morning, and the changes on the map are made by temporarily attaching to the several stations pieces of card of different colors to denote different conditions of the weather as to clearness, cloudiness, rain, or snow."1 [1This description is from "Smithsonian Report," 1858, page 32. ] Soon an improvement followed by the adoption of circular disks of different colors, which were attached to the maps by pins at each station of observation, and indicating by their color the state of the atmosphere, white signifying clear weather: gray, cloudy; black; rain; etc. The disks had an arrow stamped upon them, and as they were so arranged that they could be attached to the map in any direction, the motion of the wind at each station was shown by them.2 [2Langley, S.P., "The Meteorological Work of the Smithsonian Institution," page 219, "Bulletin No. II of the Weather Bureau." ] Henry wrote: "This map is not only of interest to visitors in exhibiting the kind of weather which their friends at a distance are experiencing, but is also of importance in determining at a glance the probable changes which may soon be expected."3 [3"Smithsonian Report." 1858, page 32. ]

It was also in 1856, to again quote Henry, that "several of the observers publish the results of their observations in the newspapers of their vicinity," concerning which, he adds:" We could commend this custom to general adoption."4 [4Ibidem, 1856, page 35. ] With the growth of the telegraph came also a development of its usefulness to the meteorological work of the Smithsonian Institution, and the next step was the publication in the daily newspapers of the telegraphic reports of the weather. In 1857 Henry acknowledges his indebtedness "to the National Telegraph line for a series of observations from New Orleans to New York, and as far westward as Cincinnati, Ohio, which have been published in the `Evening Star' of this city. These reports have excited much interest, and could they be extended further north, and more generally to the westward, they would furnish important information as to the approach of storms. We hope in the course of another year to make such an arrangement with the telegraph lines as to be able to give warning on the eastern coast of the approach of storms, since the investigations which have been made at the Institution fully indicate the fact that as a general rule the storms of our latitude pursue a definite course."1 [1"Smithsonian Report," 1857, page 26. ] The last quotation shows the results accomplished by the meteorological service of the Smithsonian Institution. That storms pursue a definite course was now an established fact, and the proposition of Franklin that the storms of the southeast advance in a northeasterly direction was recognized as a law. Of practical value is the acknowledgment that the announcement of the progress of storms by the telegraph had been accomplished, while the original simultaneous publication in the newspapers and on a daily weather map of their advance are incidental results in the development of the science. "It will thus be seen that without material aid from the government, but through the enlightened policy of the telegraph companies, and with the assistance of the munificent bequest of James Smithson, `for the increase and diffusion of knowledge', the Smithsonian Institution, first in the world, organized a comprehensive system of telegraphic meteorology, and has thus given first to Europe and Asia, and now to the United States, that most beneficent national application of modern science, the Storm Warnings."2 [2Abbe, Cleveland, American Journal of Science, Volume II, page 85, August, 1871. The following from Norton's Literary Register and Book-Buyers' Almanac for 1853, page 49 is also pertinent as shown in the workings of the Smithsonian at that time: "No institution or government in the world is now doing anything like as much for meteorology as the Smithsonian. It has planned and executed the great system of observations, has imported standard instruments, and rated and constructed hundreds of barometers and thermometers used all over the continent. It has published full directions for observing, has now in press a series of hygrometrical, barometrical, hypsometrical and many other tables of prime importance, amounting to upward of three hundred pages. This and much more for meteorology alone." ]

In that which has preceded an attempt has been made to show the development of the meteorological work of the Smithsonian Institution in the direction of reporting the condition of the weather. That was not its only function. In an excerpt from the "Transactions of the American Medical Association", quoted by Henry, is the following description: "The primary object of the Smithsonian Institution is the advancement of the science of meteorology and the elucidation of the laws of atmospheric phenomena; that of the Patent Office, to collect facts and deduce therefrom laws which have immediate reference to agriculture; while the system of the Medical Department is intended to be primarily subservient to the health of the troops and the advancement of medical science. These three Institutions are now in harmonious cooperation, and it is believed that it is no exaggeration to say that under their auspices more is now being done to advance meteorology than has ever before been attempted under any government."1 [1Preface of "Results of Meteorological Observations made under the direction of the Untied States Patent Office and the Smithsonian Institution from the year 1854 to 1859 inclusive, being a report of the Commissioner of Patents made at the first session of the Thirty-sixth Congress," Volume I (1861). ] Of the work accomplished by the Patent Office a few words are necessary. From 1854 to 1860 an annual appropriation was made by Congress for "the collection of agricultural statistics, investigations for promoting agriculture and rural economy, etc."2 [2"Smithsonian Report," 1860, page 34. ] A portion of this income during the years mentioned was devoted by the Commissioner of Patents to assisting the Smithsonian Institution in collecting and reducing meteorological observations. Charles Mason, who was Commissioner of Patents in 1853-`57, says in his Report for 1856 "that the degree of heat, cold, and moisture in various localities, and usual periods of their occurrence, together with their effects upon different agricultural productions, are of incalculable importance in searching into the laws by which the growth of such products is regulated, and will enable the agriculturist to judge with some degree of certainty whether any given article can be profitably cultivated."1 [1Quoted in "Smithsonian Report," 1860, page 34, where the entire subject is fully discussed. ]

It was with this congenial cooperation that in 1855 a new set of blank reports were prepared by, and distributed under, the frank of the Patent Office. They were also returned, when filled out, to Washington, under a similar frank, thus accomplishing a large saving in the item of postage. From the Smithsonian Institution the registers were sent to Professor James H. Coffin, of Lafayette College, and by him they were reduced and discussed. According to the annual Report of 1857 "from twelve to fifteen persons, many of them females, have been almost constantly employed, under the direction of Professor Coffin, in bringing up the arrears, and in reducing the current observations."2 [2"Smithsonian Report," 1857, page 28. ] Some idea of the enormous amount of work involved may be gathered from the following statement contained in the Report for 1857: "During 1856 the records of upwards of half a million of separate observations, each requiring a reduction involving an arithmetical calculation, were received at the Institution. Allowing an average of one minute for the examination and reduction of each observation, the amount of time consumed will be nearly 7,00 hours, or, at the rate of seven hours per day, it will be 1,000 days or upwards of three years, or, in other words, to keep up with the reduction of the current observations the whole available time of three expert computers is required. This is independent of the labor expended in the correspondence, preparation and distribution of blank forms, and the deduction of general principles."3 [3Ibidem, 1857, page 27. ] This was subsequently increased quite materially, and while in 1854 there were 234 stations, in 1856 there were 320 and in 1859 the number had increased to 531.4 [4Ibidem, 1861, page 36. ]

In the annual Report for 1860 it appears that the appropriation from the Commissioner of Patents was "suddenly and unexpectedly suspended."1 [1"Smithsonian Report," 1860, page 34.] so that thereafter it was impossible to continue the reduction of the results. Fortunately, however, the general results of all the observations for six years had already been presented to Congress in the join name of the Smithsonian Institution and the Patent Office, and were in the hands of the Public Printer. The first volume, with the title of `Results of Meteorological Observations made under the direction of the United States Patent Office and the Smithsonian Institution from the year 1854 to 1859 inclusive, being a Report of the Commissioner of Patents made at the First session of the Thirty-sixth Congress," was published in 1861.2 [2A discussion of its contents together with an account of the work accomplished during the year in meteorology appears on page 36 of the "Smithsonian Report" for 1861. ]

The second volume of these "Results of Meteorological Observations" was issued in 1864, and, although it bore the same title as the earlier volume, the subject matter was entirely different, for it consisted chiefly of a digest of "Observations upon Periodical Phenomena in plants and animals from 1851 to 1859, with tables of the dates of opening and closing of lakes, rivers, harbors, etc.,"3 [3"Smithsonian Report", 1864, page 25. ] arranged by Doctor Franklin B. Hough, and also a critical study of three storms of 1859 made from data collected from the records in the institution and prepared for publication by Professor James H. Coffin, of Lafayette College.

The first of the three papers demands more careful consideration. Mention has already been made of the blanks sent out in 1817 by Josiah Meigs when in charge of the Land Office, calling for information concerning the time of the unfolding of the leaves of plants, the time of flowering, the immigration of birds whether from North or South; the immigration of fishes; and similar information. No continuous records of the results collected by Meigs has ever been published, and it is not even definitely known what became of the originals after his death in 1822.1 [1Henry, Alfred J., "Early Individual Observers in the United States," page 301, "Bulletin No. II of the Weather Bureau," being a "Report of the International Meteorological Congress." Washington, 1895. ] IT remained for the Smithsonian Institution to revive the collection of such information, and therefore in 1851 a circular entitled "Registry of Periodical Phenomena" was sent to all of its observers. It was prepared by Doctor John Torrey and Doctor Edward Foreman and gave a list of plants to be observed for the period of flowering and fruiting. Late the circular was made to include information concerning phenomena of anima l life. The gathering of such facts was continued until 1859, and the material was then tabulated by Doctor Hough. He classified the observations under the following headings: Dates of foliation or leafing of the plants; dates of blossoming of plants' dates of ripening of fruits' dates of defoliation or fall of leaf in plants' dates of first appearance of birds' dates of first appearance of other animals (reptiles, fishes, and insects), and a series of miscellaneous records, having to do chiefly with the opening and closing of navigation at certain stations. Doctor Hough in the introduction says: "These results will be found to have a more direct application to meteorological science, by indicating the progress of the seasons in different localities, and their relative variability in different years. For this purpose plants and animals afford indications as significant as meteorological instruments as to temperature, and other climatic conditions, because strictly dependent upon them, and in the absence of all other records they would furnish a reliable chronicle of the passing year."2 [2Page 6 of the introduction. ] At the time of the publication of this second volume, Henry said: "These two quarto volumes of meteorological results for the six years 1854 to 1859 inclusive, embracing nearly two thousand pages, together with a volume covering very nearly the same period of time published by the War Department, probably form an unsurpassed body of materials for the investigation of meteorological phenomena over so wide an extent of country."1 [1"Smithsonian Report," 1864, page 26. ]

The Corps of observers was in many respects a remarkable body, and a cursory examination of the list shows the names not only of men eminent in science at the time, but also of men who have since bcome noted, and perhaps whose first contributions to science consisted in meteorological observers. The training that was thus acquired developed the powers of close observation and had much to do with the success of the individual that came later. Indeed it could hardly be otherwise. Only a student of nature would be intrusted with the proper filling out of the "Registry of Periodical Phenomena." The botanist would watch for the first budding of plants, and the young naturalist would be equally alert to record new facts in regard to animal life. A few names taken from the hundreds on record are therefore of special interest. They include Cleveland Abbe, Michigan, I;2 [2This figure indicates the number of years during which continuous observations were carried on. ]

    Major J. W. Albert, South Carolina, 1
    Spencer F. Baird, Pennsylvania, 1
    Frank Baker, Illinois, 2; Adolf F. Bandelier, Illinois, 5
    William M. Beauchamp, New York, 9
    Lorin Blodget, Pennsylvania, 3
    William C. Bond, Massachusetts, 4
    Parker Cleaveland, Maine, 4
    John L. Campbell, Virginia, 2
    Alexis Caswell, Rhode Island, 18
    John Chappelsmith, Illinois, 22
    P.A. Chadbourne, Massachusetts and Connecticut, 2
    George H. Cook, New Jersey, 5
    Doctor Elliot Coues, Arizona, 1
    W.H. Dall, Alaska, 2
    Reverend J. Owen Dorsey, Dakota, 1
    John D. Easter, Georgia, 3
    Doctor George Engelmann, Missouri, 14
    M.C. Fernald, Maine, 4
    L.R. Gibbes, South Carolina, 1
    Donalds Gunn, British America, 5
    C.F. Hartt, Nova Scotia, 2
    Jed Hotchkiss, Virginia, 7
    Charles A. Joy, New York, 6
    Alexis A. Julien, Antilles and New York, 4
    Robert C. Kedzie, Michigan, 11
    W.C. Kerr, North Carolina, 2
    Jared P. Kirtland, Ohio, 1
    S.A. Lattimore, New York, 1
    Increase A. Lapham, Wisconsin, 20
    Captain John Henry Lefroy, Canada, 3
    W.W. Mather, Ohio, 3
    Alfred M. Mayer, Maryland and Pennsylvania, 5
    J. Meehan, Pennsylvania, 15
    Marshall Macdonald, West Virginia, 1
    W.A. Norton, Delaware, 1
    David D. Owen, Indiana, 4
    Reverend Roswell Park, Wisconsin, 1
    Henry W. Ravenel, South Carolina, 5
    Professor Orin Root, New York, 1
    Charles Sartorius, Mexico, 14
    A.P.S. Stuart, Nova Scotia and Illinois, 6
    James M. Tower, New York, 3
    Bela White, Nebraska, 4
    R.B. Warder, Ohio, 2
    Alexander Winchell, Alabama, 2
    Theodore G. Wormley, Ohio, 2
    Charles A. Young, Ohio, 6
    and Ira Young, New Hampshire, 2.

Among those who reported on periodical phenomena in plants and animals were not only many of the foregoing, but also the following well-known names: James G. Cooper, Washington Territory; William Darlington, Pennsylvania; Chester Dewey, New York; Franklin B. Hough, New York; Robert W. Kennicott, Illinois; A.S. Packard, Kr., Maine; F. Peyre Procher, South Carolina; John M. Ordway, Missouri, and N. B. Webster, Virginia.

    Of these men Baird has well said:

"The interest of the observers was maintained by a constant correspondence with the Institution. Copies of the Smithsonian Reports and other publications were duly transmitted to them, and any inquiries or communications from them on scientific subjects were promptly responded to. In this way a body of collaborators was secured to the Institution, whose services cannot be overestimated, since they are not only furnished information relating to meteorology, but they were always ready to supply information and assistance in other directions. To that body of men the National Museum owes a very large part of the extensive and complete series of illustrations of North American natural history that gives to it so great a prominence, this being the result of successive applications for aid form particular classes. Thus, whenever the attention of the Institutions was directed to the fact that some particular branch of natural history requires its fostering care, circulars were prepared and issued to the meteorological correspondents, invoking cooperation, and asking them to collect objects of the kind that might be found in their neighborhood, so that, not only all North American species might be gathered, but accurate determinations made of their geographical distributions. Very extensive responses usually followed these appeals, and in many cases sufficient material was secured to place the subject on a permanent and satisfactory basis. The works of the Institution on many orders of insects and on fresh-water and land shells, reptiles, birds, mammals, etc., were all based more or less entirely on collections and information obtained by the Smithsonian observers.

"As a result, therefore, of over twenty-five years' observations by such men, the mass of meteorological information obtained became very great, and even thought a certain percent of the observations could not lay claim to that minute accuracy which is generally required, yet it was found that, for many purposes, such as the general indications of variation in temperature, barometrical pressure, rainfall, etc., in the collation of all observations the errors disappeared, and an average was secured which did not differ essentially from what would have been derived from more accurate observations."1 [1"Smithsonian Report," 1878, pages 25, 26. ]

The Smithsonian Institution is also entitled to credit for gathering the following material relating to the climate of the North American continent: 1. A miscellaneous collection of manuscripts and other tables relative to the climate of the United States; 2. The observations made under the direction of the Smithsonian Institution subsequent to 1849; 3. A series of observations made by Doctor Luis Berlandier in Mexico; 4. Observations made in the British Possessions; 5. The record of observations made by government and other exploring expeditions; 6. Copies of the observations made under the direction of the Surgeon-General at the military posts; 7. Copies of the observations made at the expense of the States of New York, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Maine, and Missouri; and 8. A series of observations from Bermuda and the West Indies.1 [1"Smithsonian Report," 1857, page 65. ] It was intended to systematically arrange and reduce these observations so that the results might be summarized into general laws, but the civil war put an end to such work, and ultimately the collected material was transferred to the custody of what is now the Weather Bureau.

Certain special meteorological investigations were also carried on in the Institution. During 1850 Espy conducted a series of experiments on the variations of temperature produced by a sudden change in the density of atmospheric air. The investigation was carried on in one of the rooms of the Smithsonian Institution "with articles of apparatus belonging to the collection which constituted the liberal donation of Doctor Hare."2 [2Ibidem, 1850, page 16.] It was during the same year that a special circular was issued to the observers asking for information relating to the aurora, and a valuable collection of returns was received, which were placed in the hands of Captain J. Henry Lefroy, then in charge of the meteorological work in Toronto, to be "incorporated with observations of a similar kind, which he had collected in the British Possessions of North America."1 [1"Smithsonian Report," 1850, page 19. ] Another early illustration of meteorological investigation may be mentioned: Soon after the occurrence of an earthquake in the central part of the United States on April 29, 1852, a circular was issued, requesting a report of any observations which had been made or could be gathered relative to that event. Numerous replies were received, embodying facts sufficient to enable the Institution to mark the point of chief intensity and trace out the diverging lines along which the earth-wave passed."2 [2Ibidem, 1852, page 74. ]

Bare mention must be made of the reduction of the series of Temperature Tables begun in 1851 by Lorin Blodget; and also of Tables of Precipitation. Ultimately the entire mass of material, excepting of course that which was published under the joint auspices of the Smithsonian Institution and the Patent Office, was given into the hands of Charles A. Schott for reduction and discussion. Three volumes resulted, of which the first, issued in 1872, consisted of "Tables and Results of the Precipitation in Rain and Snow in the United States, and at some stations in adjacent parts of North America, and in Central and South America."3 [3Ibidem, 1872, page 21. ] The second was issued in 1876 and bore the title of "Tables, Distribution, and Variations of the Atmospheric Temperature in the United States and some adjacent parts of America."4 [4The character and extend of this work are discussed at length on page 23 of the "Smithsonian Report," 1875. ] A third volume, issued in 1881, was essentially a reprint of the first and had for its title "Tables and Results of the Precipitation in Rain and Snow in the United States, and at some stations in adjacent parts of North America, and in Central and South America."5 [5See descriptions on page 26 of "Smithsonian Report," 1881.] It is manifestly impossible at this place to attempt any discussion of the contents of these volumes, but it is suggestive of the magnitude of the undertaking to repeat from the preface of one of them1 [1"Smithsonian Report," 1875, page 25. ] that of the eight sources of information from which the tables were derived, the 300 and over folio volumes of the registers of the Smithsonian Institution was a single source. They were published in the Contributions to Knowledge. In this connection mention must be made of the "Three Rain Charts of the United States, showing the distribution by Isohyetal lines of the mean precipitation in rain and melted snow:
(1) for the summer months,
(2) for the winter months,
(3) for the year"(1870); "Temperature Chart of the United States, showing the distribution, by isothermal lines, of the mean temperature for the year" (1873); "Three Temperature Charts of the United States, showing the distribution by isothermal curves of the mean temperature of the lower atmosphere:
(1) for the summer months,
(2) for the winter months,
(3) for the year" (1874); and a Base Chart of the United States" (1880). All of which were published by the Smithsonian Institution in the years indicated by the parenthesis.

Mention has already been made of the valuable collection of Meteorological Tables, by Arnold Guyot, the fourth edition of which was published in 1884. This edition was exhausted in a very few years, and Secretary Langley then decided to recast the work entirely and publish it in three parts, one of meteorological, one of geographical, and one of physical tables, each representative of the latest knowledge in the field and independent of the others, but the three forming a homogeneous series. The "Smithsonian Meteorological Tables," the first volume of the new series was issued in 1893.2 [2Ibidem, 1894, page 9. ]

Among the early volumes of the "Contributions to Knowledge" are numerous papers containing discussions of meteorological observations. They include the series made by Alexander D. Bache, in the Girard College Observatory, in Philadelphia, during 1840-`45 and were published in six parts issued between the years 1859 and 1865;1 [1Full description of these parts may be found on page 18 "Smithsonian Report," 1859; page 26 "Smithsonian Report," 1860; page 17 "Smithsonian Report," 1862; page 16 "Smithsonian Report," 1863; and page 18 "Smithsonian Report," 1864. ] those made by Doctor Alexis Caswell in Providence, Rhode Island, from December, 1839, til December, 1876;2 [2See "Smithsonian Report," 1859, page 31; "Smithsonian Report," 1860, page 21; and "Smithsonian Report," 1882, page 21 for description. ] those made by Parker Cleaveland in Brunswick, Me., during 1807-`59;3 [3See "Smithsonian Report," 1867, pages 23 and 28 for description. ] those made by Samuel P. Hildreth and Joseph Wood from 1817 to 1823 and from 1826 to 1859,4 [4See "Smithsonian Report," 1867, page 32 for detailed description. ] and those made by Doctor Nathan D. Smith in Washington, Ark., from 1840 to 1859.5 [5See "Smithsonian Report," 1860, page 22, for detailed description. ]

The meteorological observations made in the Arctic regions were all reduced and discussed by Charles A. Schott. They included those gathered by Elisha K. Kane during 1853-`55;6 [6See "Smithsonian Report," 1859, page 22, for detailed description. ] those collected by Sir Francis L. McClintock during 1857 and 1859;7 [7See "Smithsonian Report," 1861, page 16 for detailed information. ] and last of all, those obtained by Doctor Isaac I. Hayes during 1860-`61.8 [8See "Smithsonian Report," 1865, page 26, for description. ]

Of more special meteorological interest are the following memoirs, likewise contained in the Smithsonian publications, and for the most part written by scientists who were also included among the staff of observers. They include "Winds of the Northern Hemisphere," by James H. Coffin (1853);9 [9This most important work costing many years' labor is described in the "Smithsonian Report," 1851, page 12, and "Smithsonian Report," 1852, page 13. ] "Account of a Tornado near New Harmony, Indiana, April 30, 1852," by John Chappelsmith (1855);10 [10See "Smithsonian Report," 1853, page 14, for analysis. ] "On the Recent Secular Period of the Aurora Borealis," by Dennison Olmsted (1856);1 [1See "Smithsonian Report," 1854, page 12, for analysis. ] "Record of Aurora Phenomena observed in the Higher Northern Latitudes," by Peter Force (1856);2 [2Ibidem. ] "On Certain Storms in Europe and America," by Elias Loomis (1860);3 [3See "Smithsonian Report," 1859, page 28 for detailed description. ] "The Orbit and Phenomena of a Meteoric Fire Ball seen July, 1860," by James H. Coffin (1869),4 [4See "Smithsonian Report," 1868, page 49, for description. ] and "The Winds of the Globe," by James H. Coffin (1875).5 [5See "Smithsonian Report," 1875, page 20, for detailed description. ] To this splendid collection of meteorological works there might well be added certain smaller monographs that are contained in the Miscellaneous Collections and Smithsonian Reports, but space is wanting.6 [6"The Scientific Writings of Joseph Henry" contain his Meteorological Essays and cover more than 400 pages, and consist chiefly of those published during the years 1855-`59. ] In the series of Records of Scientific Progress, meteorology was not neglected, and from 1879 till 18847 [7These were contained in the annual Reports for 1881, 1882, 1883, 1884, and 1885, and were also issued as separates. ] the admirable summaries of this science that were contributed to the Smithsonian Reports were from the able pen of Professor Cleveland Abbe.

With the beginning of the civil war came the loss of the appropriation by means of which it had been up to that time possible to secure the reduction of the observations. At the same time the telegraphic service became unsatisfactory. In the annual Report for 1860 Henry says: "We regret that frequent intermission take place in the receipt of the telegrams from places directly west of the city of Washington, especially as we are more immediately interested in these, since they afford the means of predicting with considerable certainty the character of the weather sometimes a day or more in advance."8 [8"Smithsonian Report," 1860, page 36. ] A year later the popular system of daily telegraphic reports of the condition of the weather from distant parts of the United States had been discontinued; "the continuity of the lines to the South having been interrupted, and the wires from the North and West being so entirely occupied by public business that no use of them could be obtained for scientific purposes."1 [1"Smithsonian Report," 1861, page 35. ]

Toward the close of 1862 "the daily telegraphic bulletin of the state of the weather"2 [2Ibidem, 1862, page 29. ] was partially resumed, and in 1864 an important addition to the means at the command of the Institution for meteorological purposes was received by the liberal action of the North American Telegraphic Association, which gave the free use of all its lines for the scientific objects of the Institution. "The association embraces the Western Union, the American, the Montreal, the Southwestern, and the Illinois and Mississippi Telegraph companies, covering the entire United States and Canada, including the overland line to San Francisco, which, by its charter, is required to transmit without charge scientific despatches for the Institution."3 [3Ibidem, 1864, page 28. ] The same report adds that "the telegraph companies on the Pacific Coast have also liberally granted the same privileges."4 [4Ibidem. ]

In 1863 came the culmination of the misfortunes that already so seriously interfered with the development of the meteorological service. It came in the way of a law passed by Congress which prevented "the correspondents on agriculture and meteorology from sending their reports by mail unless prepaid."5 [5See "Smithsonian Report," 1863, page 31, where the entire subject is discussed. ] Henry adds: "This arrangement almost entirely stops the reception of these articles, for, since the service rendered is gratuitous, the observers cannot be expected to bear this additional burden." Also, "owing to this restriction, the number of meteorological registers has received during the past year has been diminished, and the transmission of nearly all of them would have been discontinued had not the Commissioner of Agriculture, in view of their value to his department, decided to advance to some of the observers the necessary postage stamps to affix to their registers."1 [1"Smithsonian Report," 1863, page 32. ]

This condition of affairs was not long continued, and the law was changed so that the meteorological registers could be sent to the Commissioner of Agriculture without payment of postage. With the organizing of the Department of Agriculture and the appointment of a commissioner interested in the collection of meteorological statistics, it was decided to begin the publication of "a monthly bulletin giving the state of the crops, the conditions of the weather and various other items of importance which are daily received from observers, and which would lose a considerable portion of their value were they suffered to remain unpublished until the end of the year." For this bulletin the Smithsonian Institution supplied "the meteorological materials, consisting of the mean, maximum, and minimum temperatures and amount of rain for each month in different States, and also, for the purpose of comparison, the mean temperature and amount of rain for each month in different States, the mean temperature and amount of rain for a series of five years, grouped by States; together with tables of important atmospheric changes, and notices of auroras, meteors, and other periodical phenomena."2 [2Ibidem, 1863, page 33. This Monthly Bulletin of the Agricultural Department was discontinued in 1871, by order of Commissioner Watts. See "Smithsonian Report," 1871, page 105. ]

Step by step the history of the meteorological work of the Smithsonian Institution has been traced in these pages from its inception down to the beginnings of 1866. In the Report for 1865 Henry summarizes the work accomplished in the following succinct manner: "The Smithsonian meteorological system was commenced in 1849, and, with occasional aid in defraying the expenses, has continued in operation until the present period. It was, however, much diminished in efficiency during the war, since from the Southern States no record were received, and many of the observers at the North were called to abandon such pursuits for military service in the field. The efforts of the institution in this line have been directed to supplementing and harmonizing all the other systems, preparing and distributing blank forms and instructions, calculating and publishing extensive tables for the reduction of observations, introducing standard instruments, and collecting all public documents, printed matter, and manuscript records bearing on the meteorology of the American continent, submitting these materials to scientific discussion and publishing the results. In these labors the Institution has been in continued harmonious cooperation with all the other efforts made in this country to advance meteorology, except those formerly conducted by the Navy Department under Lieutenant Maury."1 [1It is proper to say that the quotation continues: "These were confined exclusively to the sea, and had no reference to those made at the same time on land," "Smithsonian Report," 1867, page 28. ]

The reestablishment of the meteorological observations interrupted by the civil war was somewhat impeded by the fire that occurred in 1865 destroying very many of the records and instruments. This catastrophe naturally diverted funds from the meteorological work owing to the expenses incurred for repairs, so that beyond the gradual restoration of the service nothing worthy of note occurred subsequent to 1866. It may even be mentioned that during 1867 the attempt made by the Institution to resume by the cooperation of the telegraph lines the system of telegraphic indications of the weather, which was interrupted by the war, was unsuccessful. "Indeed," says Henry, "it can scarcely be expected that without some remuneration to the companies, the use of the telegraphic wires and the time of the operators should be given for the purpose."2 [2"Smithsonian Report," 1867, page 28. ]

Meanwhile agitation was being created in favor of "a meteorological department under one comprehensive system with an adequate appropriation of funds." In 1865 Henry wrote: "The present would appear to be a favorable time to urge upon Congress the importance of making provision for reorganizing all the meteorological observations of the United States under one combined plan, in which the records should be sent to a central depot for discussion and final publication. An appropriation of $50,000 annually for this purpose would tend not only to advance the material interest of the country, but also to increase its reputation. It would show that although the administration of our government is the expression of the popular volition, it is not limited in its operation merely to objects of instant or immediate utility, but that, with a wise prevision of the future, it withholds its assistance from no enterprise, however remote the results, which has for its end to advance the well-being of humanity."1 [1"Smithsonian Report," 1865, page 57. ]

It was not, however, until 1869 that Congress took final action on this matter. During the winter of that year Hon. Halbert E. Paine, of Wisconsin, secured the passage of a joint resolution creating the Weather Bureau of the United States Signal Service. This resolution was approved on February 9, 1870. It appropriated $25,000 for "taking meteorological observations at the military stations in the interior of the continent, and at other points in the States and Territories of the United States, and for giving notice on the Northern Lakes and the seacoast of the United States by magnetic telegraph and marine signals of the approach and force of storms."2 [2Abbe, Cleveland, "The Meteorological Work of the United States Signal Service 1890 to 1891." "Bulletin no. ii, Weather Bureau," page 236. Report of Meteorological Congress held in Chicago, 1893. ] The general direction of this service was given to General Albert J. Myer.

In the Report for 1870 Henry expresses his gratification at the culmination of his desires by the creation of the new Weather Bureau. He suggests that "a still larger appropriation be made by Congress to the War Department for establishing, besides the reports for weather signals, a series of intermediate stations, also furnished with compared instruments, to record daily observations to be transmitted to Washington weekly or monthly, and also that provision be made for the support of a number of competent persons to carry on the reductions and prepare the results for publication."1 [1"Smithsonian Report," 1870, page 44. ] And in conclusion, he says: "It has been the policy of this Institution from the first to do nothing which can be done as well or better by other means, and in accordance with this policy the Institution would willingly relinquish the field of meteorology, which it has so long endeavored, though imperfectly, to cultivate, turning over to the Signal Office all the material which it has accumulated up to a given epoch."2 [2Ibidem. ] The transfer of the meteorological work of the Smithsonian Institution alluded to in the foregoing paragraph was accomplished in 1873, and in the Report for that year Henry refers to it as follows: "This transfer, which has just been made, we trust will meet the approbation of the observers generally, and we hope they will continue their voluntary cooperation, not with the expectation of being fully repaid for their unremitted labor, in many cases for a long series of years, but from the gratification which must result from the consciousness of having contributed to increase the sum of human knowledge."3 [3On page 31 of the Report for 1873, the details of the transfer are given. ]

The work of publishing the results obtained by the reduction of meteorological observations continued, and for the most part these have been specifically mentioned elsewhere in this chapter. As a contribution to the physical part of the science, Doctor Langley's "Internal Work of the Wind" may be cited as "the last word" on this important subject.

In 1891 Secretary Langley deposited in the United States Signal Office all the voluminous monthly records of the Institution and all the manuscripts and printed observations relating to meteorology, subject to recall, but with the understanding that the entire official record of research and progress in this connection should be preserved intact by that office, now the Weather Bureau, which has these investigations in charge.1 [1"Smithsonian Report," 1891, page 13. ]

 

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